D. L. Moody and the 1893 World’s Fair
D. L. Moody receives ambivalent treatment from conservative Christians. Some treat him with a reverence just short of hagiography for his work as an evangelist, placing him alongside Edwards and Whitefield as a keeper of the revivalist tradition. In that interpretation there is little critical examination of Moody’s message and methods. Others treat Moody more critically, even skeptically, and find fault with him for his sentimentalism and alleged ecumenism. In my experience at least, such critics tend to hold Moody to an anachronistic standard which they do not themselves keep.
The 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition, held in Chicago, provides an opportunity to test these two interpretations of Moody. Moody saw the world’s fair as an opportunity to evangelize the world when it came to Chicago, and he even attributed his survival of a 1891 storm at sea as God’s intervention to permit him to preach at the fair. He did not, however, consider the fair an unmixed blessing. Though his connections to the fair’s planners may have kept him from openly criticizing the fair, Moody opposed its secularism. His massive campaign in the summer of 1893 attempted not only to evangelize fairgoers but also to create a Christian environment apart from and in confrontation to the fair.[1]
In connection to the exposition, Moody faced three issues that might earn him praise or blame from conservative Christians: (1) keeping the fair open on Sunday, (2) the World’s Fair Parliament of Religions, and (3) engaging or confronting popular culture.
When Congress contributed money towards the world’s fair, it did so with the stipulation that the fair would be closed on Sundays. Some of the fair’s backers favored that restriction, others did not, and the question was taken to court. Moody opposed keeping the fair open on Sunday and made those views public, but he did not think that it was a major issue.
The World’s Fair Parliament of Religions was held at the same time as the Columbian Exposition but in Chicago itself, not at the fairgrounds. The parliament gathered together both Christian and non-Christian religions to allow them to present their views. Some evangelical Christians participated, but Moody refused to. He did not, however, preach against the parliament. He reportedly said, “Preach Christ, . . . hold up Christ, let the Parliament of Religions alone, preach Christ.”[2]
During the fair—indeed, during much of his ministry—Moody preached in locations normally given over to the vice he opposed. Among those places were the Haymarket theater, the Forepaugh Circus, and neighborhoods known for alcohol and prostitution. (Moody was invited to preach at the fairgrounds, but I do not know whether he did.) Moody’s evangelistic methods often adapted the techniques of business and popular culture to Christian ends, but in the case of his preaching venues Moody was doing something different. He was not adapting those secular places but taking them over, or reclaiming them, to the purpose of the gospel. He also seems to have had good sense in refusing offers by businessmen or entertainers that would have used Moody’s popularity for secular purposes.
Looking into the facts of Moody’s 1893 campaign, then, complicates both interpretations of Moody. Those who revere Moody might well disagree with certain of his actions. At least, as far as I can tell, not all his methods were compatible with current Fundamentalist views on separation, though I think in the main Moody would find favor in their eyes. (Whether it is valid to judge Moody by those views on separation is another question.) On the other hand, those who criticize Moody ought to find that he was not the ecumenist that they thought he was.
Moody, in short, faced the same problems that Christians have in every age: How can one effectively preach the gospel? How can one remain unspotted from the world? How much should one engage culture and use it in service to the gospel, and how much should one confront and rebuke culture? Those questions are complicated, and Moody’s answers were complicated too—neither free from censure nor undeserving of praise.
A parting observation on the Christian historian’s task: Interpreting Moody presents essentially the same problem as any historical question. The historian has both a professional and a Christian duty to evaluate his subject. As Christ commanded, he must “judge righteous judgment” (John 7:24). He must also remember the saying of our Lord: “Judge not, that ye be not judged. For with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged: and with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again” (Matt. 7:1-2). Wisdom—and humility—lie in obeying both commands.
Posted 5 Feb. 2008 at 3:38 pm | Permalink
Well done Lincoln. The evangelicals in the latter half of the nineteenth century are interesting in part because they don’t fit twentieth century molds.
Your focus on the World’s Fair reminded me of another event decades later than was the focal point of debate in the broader fundamentalist community. In 1921, Jack Dempsey successfully defended his heavyweight title in what was called the “Fight of the Century.”
Fundamentalists were divided over how to respond to boxing, a sporting event associated with the twin evils of gambling and drinking. Some fundamentalist leaders like Clarence McCartney saw in boxing a return to paganism and brutality, discouraging attendance. Yet influential New York pastor John Roach Straton attended the game to produce an article for syndication. He condemned the sport in the strongest terms, but attended anyways.
There is probably room here for a sports/religious historian to do an article on the topic. Boxing would appear to appeal to the Progressive ideal of “Masculine Christianity” [think YMCA], but guilt by association trumped any sympathy.
Posted 6 Feb. 2008 at 1:16 pm | Permalink
In Dr. Abrams’s class American Social History Since 1865, we talked this morning about late nineteenth century religious attitudes towards popular entertainment. Dr. Abrams mentioned that Charles Sheldon’s In His Steps (1896) opposed boxing. Sheldon was not a Fundamentalist, but he shared similar attitudes towards the Fundamentalists of the 1920s.
Below is an excerpt from the passage in In His Steps when the newspaper editor decides not to cover the prize fight:
Read this book
Posted 6 Feb. 2008 at 1:26 pm | Permalink
I don’t think that fits with the image the WWJD apparel promoters had in mind. (-:
So the fundamentalist covered it and the social gospeler didn’t…ironic.
Posted 7 Feb. 2008 at 5:26 pm | Permalink
Hmm. Guess that could give a whole new meaning to the term “fighting fundamentalist.”
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 9:10 am | Permalink
Why is it that how Fundamentalists feel about Moody centers on how “ecumenical” or “separated” he is and not on his actual soteriology?
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 11:10 am | Permalink
I’m not sure that’s an accurate characterization of the central issue in Fundamentalists’ view of Moody. To be sure, in this post I discuss mostly Moody’s actions and how Fundamentalists view them in light of separation, but I don’t claim that this narrow investigation is representative of Fundamentalists’ thoughts on Moody generally. As I mention in the first paragraph, some who look at Moody in the light of separation criticize him (though not with complete justification), but those who are more concerned with Moody’s soteriology praise him.
To answer your question, my sense is that Fundamentalists care more about his evangelism than his separatist credentials (or lack thereof). My sense of what Fundamentalists think of Moody comes from my general experience as a Fundamentalist and from a seminar that I audited about Moody’s rhetoric.
By “soteriology” you may mean not Moody’s evangelism, in the sense that I answer your question, but rather the doctrine of salvation behind his evangelism. That’s certainly a question worth investigating, but I don’t think that Moody’s theology has been adequately studied. That’s my impression based on my readings four years ago, so I may be wrong. Stanley Gundry does have a book titled Love them In: The Proclamation Theology of D. L. Moody (1976). If anyone knows of works that discuss Moody’s theology or separation, I’d be glad to know of them.
Paul might be able to add something about the theology behind the urban evangelists. He did a study of Billy Sunday’s creationism.
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 11:28 am | Permalink
Point well taken. Scholarship is, almost by definition, usually very narrow in its scope.
I don’t think one can question Moody’s enthusiasm or sincerity in evangelism, but from my limited familiarity with his theology I might have some reservations about his understanding of the Gospel. It seems to me that if his message is off his method of delivery becomes of secondary importance (though it is still interesting in that it reflects assumptions he makes about his message).
I’m deeply ambivalent about it. On one hand, bad theology is bad theology. On the other, I would not argue that his theology (even if it as “bad”–i.e. divergent from mine–as I suspect) falls short of a sufficient understanding for salvation, and in that light I ought to be slow to criticize too harshly someone who has, in fact, introduced so many into the Kingdom.
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 11:45 am | Permalink
I agree that the relationship between Moody’s message and his delivery is fascinating. Perhaps I’m postmodern, but at least part of my historical interests lie in the connection between what people say and how they say it.
The anti-postmodernist in me, however, must disagree with the implication behind one of your statements. There are far better grounds for judging someone’s theology to be good or bad than whether it converges or diverges with one’s own theology.
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 11:52 am | Permalink
Come now, Lincoln, do give me some credit. I hope you caught that that was tongue-in-cheek.
Posted 15 Feb. 2008 at 2:01 pm | Permalink
Most of the 19th and early 20th century urban evangelists, like Finney, Moody, Sunday, and even Graham, were quite ecumenical. The term has bad connotations today in our circles, but the original idea is quite biblical (the word catholic is another good example).
Sunday and Moody were both willing to “fudge” on what they thought were less essential doctrines in order to preach the important stuff. Sunday often said very nice things about Catholics including the infamous statement, which I paraphrase, “I’m a Presbyterian because Ma [his wife] is a Presbyterian. If Ma were a Catholic, I’d be a Catholic.” Sunday had broad cross denominational appeal.
The same was true of Moody, though I know less about him. What I do know came from reading William G. McLoughlin’s “Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham.” For example, Moody didn’t talk about evolution/creation much. Of course at the time it wasn’t anywhere nearly as controversial a topic as a generation later or today.
Our understanding of ecumenism and separation have been shaped by a over a hundred years of experiences that Moody obviously didn’t have. So I think it is somewhat unfair for Moody to be overly condemned by our standards.
Posted 23 Feb. 2008 at 7:36 pm | Permalink
That type of ecumenism wasn’t restricted to the evangelists only. Philip Schaff, the renowned church historian, advocated similar views even before the rise of the urban evangelism. Before his death in 1893 Schaff traveled to Chicago and attended the World’s Parliament of Religions that Moody actually avoided.
The paper Schaff presented there was the final writing of his life, and one he counted as the summation of his work. The title speaks for itself: “The Reunion of Christendom.” Through his whole career Schaff advocated was he called “evangelical catholicism,” something like a mix of the universal church structure of catholicism united with evangelical doctrine. Before his academic career took off, Schaff was put on trial by the Pennsylvania synod for heresy because of his supposed leniency regarding Romanism.
As Paul mentioned, the idea of ecumenism has undergone some changes in the last century, changes I don’t think any of these men foresaw.